ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION, SECURITY AND THE SEARCH FOR SOLUTIONS
Immigration
is a business where the bargaining chip, the product of the
transaction or the client is a human being. It is a business that
moves large amounts of money and many interests. There are those
who direct the business from an office in Sudan, those who
transport, via ground and sea, those who recruit and those who
provide a hiding place for the migrants. A business worth roughly
12 billion, according to the IOM (International Organization for
Migration) and one that offers employment opportunities in several
nations if one is willing to take part in this illegal activity.
The immigration business often benefits from the work of the poor
who survive by exploiting the misfortunes of other poor in a
market that is never in a crisis because it is fueled by
totalitarian regimes, wars, endemic poverty, overpowering and
abuse. All of these factors render the risks - especially physical
ones - that a migrant faces, while traveling to a different part
of the world, acceptable after all.
The organizations that operate in this market are transnational,
they survive on the volatility of borders and base their
operations on police corruption. They have the flexibility that
allows them to open and close a human-trafficking route according
to their needs.
Europe gone missing
Illegal immigration has become a central problem for Italy – a
country located on the front line – and for Europe, which is torn
apart by populism and national egotism.
It is an eternal struggle that includes social, economic, ethical
problems and fuels more or less justified fears regarding
security, terrorism, the loss of one’s cultural models, religious
juxtaposition, xenophobia and intolerance.
The circumstances above explain Europe’s decision to disregard the
decision, taken in 2015, to relocate roughly 160 thousand asylum
seekers that had arrived in Italy. In the end, only 5000 were
accepted by other European nations.
In the past years European countries have built walls, both real
and metaphoric. The UK decided to ‘Brexit’ while waving the danger
represented by illegal immigration, Hungary held a referendum
about immigration and coming elections in several EU countries
will have immigration as their central theme.
Instead of using the founding values of the European Union to find
a solution, selfishness and partisan interests prevailed once
again.
The effects on Italy
While Europe failed to find a solution, Italy’s position worsened.
Due to the lack of support from the EU, Italy was forced to face
the social, ethical and economic implications of such a mass
migration on its own. To make matters worse, the immigrants
landing in Italy with the intent to move on to another country (in
the past, only about 15% of the immigrants decided to stay in
Italy) are now stuck in the peninsula.
Currently, before the advent of winter that slows down the influx
of migrants, Italy has already had over 140 thousand new arrivals.
But the real figure is must higher, seen that the arrivals in the
year 2016 surpass the previous year, 2015, which closed with the
record figure of 144 thousand arrivals.
During this year’s initial six months, almost 3 thousand migrants
were killed while crossing the Mediterranean sea. This figure is
also underrated because it is based on the official numbers and
does not include the thousands of casualties that nobody will ever
know about. It is nonetheless a figure that quantifies the
desperation of those facing the trip and the lack of scruples of
those who profit from their plight.
The contingent difficulties faced by Italy do not change the fact
that the phenomenon of immigration has international implications
and can only be solved through an international effort.
Italy, as the country of arrival, and Libya, the country of
departure, are currently the principal players in a social drama
that involves many other countries.

The agreement with Gaddafi
The agreement signed in August 2008 (“Treaty of friendship,
partnership and cooperation”) between Italy and Gaddafi’s Libya
had in a way found a solution to the problem of illegal
immigration, although the blackmail-like way in which Gaddafi
approached the issue had practically forced Italy to sign the
document.
Article 19 of the above-mentioned treaty said that the two parts
would intensify cooperation on illegal immigration, that they
would promote the construction of a control system along the
Libyan borders (including a radar surveillance system, although
such system had other goals apart from locating immigrants who
crossed the desert). Most importantly, the agreement said that
Italy and Libya would have worked jointly on the “definition of
initiatives, both bilateral and regional, to prevent the
phenomenon of illegal immigration by operating in the countries of
origin of the migrants”.
In substance, in exchange for a generous Italian financial
donation (5 billion dollars, 6 guard ships, training, equipment of
various kinds, the radar surveillance system along Libya’s
southern border), Libya agreed to take back the migrants that
landed in Italy.
Italian authorities had solved their problem, although they
neglected several, ethical, aspects of the issue: the immigrants
who were sent back to Libya was jailed and underwent the same
vexations that they were trying to escape from, including abuses,
sexual violence and exploitation.
Also, the most important aspect of the agreement was left
unfulfilled: neither Italy nor Libya ever attempted to stop
immigration in the countries of origin. After all, Libya was but a
country of transit.
At the time, Gaddafi had been the president of the African Union.
He had obtained from a plethora of African chieftains the title of
“king of kings”. In other words, he was still influential in the
African panorama.
Notwithstanding, in the end, neither Italy nor Libya made efforts
to enact their plans.
After the Arab Spring that swept Middle Eastern and North African
countries, the 2011 international effort to oust Gaddafi from
power and the consequent social chaos which still lasts in Libya,
the 2008 agreement became scrap paper.

Muhamar Gheddafi con Silvio Berlusconi
Looking for solutions
In November 2015 the European Union signed an agreement with
Turkey along the same lines of the Italian-Libyan experience:
Europe promised Turkey 3 billion euro in aid and Turkey agreed to
take back the migrants who try to travel to Europe from there
(Turkey is another country of transit). Once again the political
context in which the agreement was underwritten made it a veiled
form of blackmail on the part of Turkey, with the aggravating
circumstance that, while the immigrants from Libya are economic
migrants, those from Turkey are chiefly Syrian refugees escaping
from the war.
The EU’s approach was wrong once again: they negotiated with the
transit country, not the original homeland of the migrants.
But is there a solution to the problem of illegal immigration? As
a social phenomenon, it cannot be stopped so long as there exist
rich and poor countries and oppressive regimes, but it could be
dampened by dealing with the countries of origin. This, of course,
is true if the migrants are economic migrants, not political ones.
This is the approach that the Italian government is trying to
adopt nowadays. Italy would like to use the EU as their negotiator
because they would have more contractual power, but this hasn’t
happened this far.
Italy’s main problem is that the migrants arriving in Italy file
for international protection and, if they don’t obtain it (60% of
the demands are rejected), they cannot be expelled from Italy
because their country of origin is not willing to welcome them
back. This stalemate can be ended only with negotiations and
donations. If Europe had spent the 3 billion euro that they
promised Turkey to better relations with the poor nations of
sub-Saharan Africa, the effort would have surely had a positive
impact on illegal immigration as well.
In the meanwhile, an alternative solution – although partial and
not decisive - is still open: a pseudo-negotiation with the Libyan
authorities that, being divided into three governments, many
militias and an inefficient and corrupt police, have no way of
ensuring their part of the deal.
In view of the European weakness, the Italian initiative is
justified by the fact that there are no other viable alternatives.
Italy has no choice, seen as 90% of the migrants landing on its
coastline come from Libya.
The Italian authorities have recently constituted a “joint
operations room” with Libya to start a novel cooperation between
the two countries. The agreement was sealed with the Government of
National Accord led by PM Serraj (this circumstance alone rouses
doubts on the eventual subscription of the deal by other parties
within Libya).
The deal is also officially aimed at stopping terrorism, but its
main purpose is that of curbing immigration.
Libya agreed to patrol and control its southern borders, where the
migrants arrive, but it is a well-known fact that the southern
region is controlled by the Tuareg (in the area of Sheba), by the
Tebu (in the area of Kufra) and by a number of criminal and
terrorist factions, not by Serraj and his government. Most
importantly, now that the ISIS terrorists have been ousted (or are
about to be) from Sirte, many of them have escaped south.
The two countries also agreed to use drones to patrol the Libyan
borders, to start various training courses and, obviously, that
Libya would receive a conspicuous supply of vehicles and
instruments from Italy. This deal is not much different from past
deals, with a positive note (the Italian part of the project is
participated by the Intelligence Services, the Defense and
Interior ministries, while in 2008 the Defense ministry and
intelligence services had been excluded from operations) and a
negative note (Italy negotiated with a State that is not fully
empowered).
In the past, the Libyan State participated in the exploitation of
illegal immigration. Nowadays the phenomenon is systematic, seen
that the police (who are seldom paid their salaries), Libyans
looking to make a living and ISIS terrorists all profit from the
business of immigration.
The correlation between terrorism and illegal immigration
We have no evidence that the routes of illegal migrants are used
by terrorists to infiltrate Italy. Such evidence did not exist in
Gaddafi’s time and it doesn’t exist today. Terrorists want to die
martyrs, not on a capsized boat in the middle of the
Mediterranean.
Yet illegal immigration, when it is not regulated and supported by
adequate welcoming structures, brings with it problems such as
social marginalization and frustration; it eases collusion with
criminality and terrorism.
In perspective, this kind of immigration is dangerous. It is
confirmed by the fact that numerous recent terrorist attacks in
European countries have been carried out by Arabs or Muslims that
were longtime residents of those countries.
Today, Italy harbors 4 million foreign (legal) residents plus a
multitude of illegal aliens – the so-called “invisible” migrants –
whose numbers are not known.
Someday, among the latter, there could be psychological room for a
new, potential, terrorist. The “foreign fighters” listed by the
Interior ministry are not many: 90, enlisted in either the ISIS or
Al Nusra, 18 of which are dead. Only 14 have returned to Italy.
Notwithstanding, Islamic extremism can soon find new adepts among
the disowned and marginalized migrants.